What is the ‘focus and objective’ for the coalition of forces which is being widely and highly promoted and propelled for the next elections? Is the concern really about saving Grenada’s democracy from unscrupulous individuals, or is it about Prime Minister Dr. Keith Mitchell’s sole stranglehold on power? Wouldn’t the venture be seized, as an avenue to exploit the genuine desire of the Grenadian-people?
In distancing himself from Prime Minister Mitchell and from Mitchell’s government and New National Party (NNP), Hon. Tobias Clement extends refreshing endorsement and appealing merit toward Grenada’s cry for “a democracy to save”, and he boldly asserts his ‘clear and certain’ obligation to this ‘necessary and noble’ cause.
Review the previously internet-circulated article, “Could Grenada’s Democracy Be Saved?” which tries to arouse conscience in any evaluation, determination and attempt on this issue, within the proper context and intent.
Clement’s high-spirited decision should have signalled, or revived, the urgent “rallying call to all patriotic Grenadians to join in the rescue mission of restoring our fractured democracy”, but sadly up until now there has not been any serious impact.
Although serving as the Leader of the Opposition, Hon. Clement has not shown any eagerness to establish his own party, neither to be attached to another one.
With elections constitutionally due sometime in 2023, Clement expresses no desire to be part of an election cycle “with three/four political parties in the melee”, which may also mean that he is not even interested to contest as an Independent Candidate.
However, Clement believes that his “lead role” now is to “bring opposition forces together” to remove NNP from office and argues that he is apt and willing for “the only sensible thing”. He has been adamant that without finding common ground and working together, the change that is necessary “for our children and country sake”, cannot be done, The Grenadian Voice E-newspaper, 18 June 2021, reported “Clement calls on opposition forces to unite for general elections”.
THE NEW TODAY e-paper, 27 March 2021, claims it “has been advocating for this kind of political arrangement for some time now in the national interest as Grenada continues to slip down a slippery slope under the current (‘NNP’) government”, and indicates that “a coalition of forces is nothing new in the country”.
The editorial also positioned its “strongly held view that Grenadians are looking for change of government but not thinking of a Congress (‘National Democratic Congress – NDC’) administration but the creation of a national unity government involving the best talents on showcase for the good of Grenada.”
The NDC as the main opposing party has no parliamentary role since 2013. Instructively, Public Relation Officer Claudette Joseph assures, during the 22 June 2021 “To The Point” current affairs programme of the Grenada Broadcasting Network (GBN), “… the people of Grenada are looking forward to a return of the NDC … a new and revamped NDC … what we need in Grenada is a united front, we need all patriotic Grenadians, all Grenadians who wants a better Grenada … so we understand in the NDC that is our responsibility to rescue our country and that is exactly what we will do under strong competent well-chosen leadership …”.
Another official member Terrance Forrester, whose 2017 Grenada Progressive Movement was accommodated in NDC after 2018 elections, informs on GBN’s 27 July 2021 interview that NDC is in talks with other parties including The Grenada Movement (TGM) of Dr. Patrick Antoine, and that he (Forrester) is hoping to run for the St. George South constituency – both Forrester and Antoine were seasoned and versatile operatives of the NNP.
How applicable, realistic and meaningful are those perspectives? What are the parameters and yardsticks for defining the “best talents on showcase” and “strong competent well-chosen leadership”?
Contextual and rational analysis on the establishment, operation and accomplishments of a “coalition of forces” is necessary, within local and beyond political developments. The version, composition, terms and outcome of a coalition for the upcoming general elections would determine whether it would be Grenada’s third significant political merger.
Were lessons learnt from the earlier experiences or would it again just be about ‘business as usual’ for political pandering and plunging the nation in more despair? What are the specifics of the present situation, and are there already danger signs? What are to be taken into special account to ensure political stability, sovereign synergy, good governance and sustainable development, as well as to meet the people’s yearnings and expectations?
The greatest extent of a “united front” in the fashioning of a “national unity government” happened surrounding Grenada’s 1974 Independence at a time of a very charged political atmosphere with rallies, protests and conflicts.
This was based on a movement which features a “Committee of 22” involving virtually all concerned individuals, representative organisations, service clubs, the church and school communities, national sectors and political parties.
A People’s Alliance was then undertaken to face the Grenada United Labour Party (GULP) of Prime Minister Eric Gairy for the 1976 elections. Gairy who had recorded five wins, was ascribed as having autocratic tendency and monopoly over the electoral process.
Despite managing a strong electioneering drive against Gairy, which was energised by the fired-up young people, the intellectual New Jewel Movement (NJM) of Maurice Bishop and the aristocratic Grenada National Party (GNP) of Herbert Blaize, he still won overwhelmingly.
The defeat caused much disappointment, disarray and division for the Alliance, which then saw the making of the 1979 People Revolutionary Government (PRG) by the NJM’s military overthrow of Gairy’s regime.
The second historic coalition of forces was influenced by the United States of America and a number of Caribbean States, after their intervention to squash the political turmoil surrounding the 1983 collapse of the PRG and to restore democratic governance.
This initiative was pursued to prevent Gairy from getting back into government realising his great block of supporters, and also to prevent the victory of the leftover of Bishop’s PRG grouped as the Maurice Bishop Patriotic Movement (MBPM). It is recorded that a meeting was held on St. Vincent’s Union Island on 26 August 1984 and then resulting in the signing of an accord by some parties striving to govern.
The Accord created a single party, the New National Party (NNP) headed by Blaize, “the most viable option”, based on his political exposures.
The NNP’s formation was essentially of Blaize’s GNP, the National Democratic Party (NDP) of George Brizan and the Grenada Democratic Movement (GDM) of Francis Alexis, and was externally assisted to win the 1984 December elections.
Internal bickering caused Brizan and Alexis to abandon the NNP’s government in 1987. Further disunity, with leadership and policy differences between Blaize and his confidant minister Keith Mitchell, resulted in Mitchell’s treacherous toppling of Blaize as NNP’s leader in January 1989 and then his dismissal by Blaize from the Cabinet in July 1989.
The NDC, officially launched in October 1987 with resigned ministers of NNP, secured the government in 1990 from NNP.
Some resemblances of coalition of forces which may be also considered notable, mainly relate to the tactical executions by Mitchell, to ensure his continued mastery of Grenada’s political leadership; as typifies in him gaining power in 1995 and 2013. Those coalitions and other special deals appear to be formalised secretly with promises and expediencies for the partners, but with heavy sacrifices, burdens and losses for the people.
There has been what appears to be superficial national reconciliation, the sheltering of crooked characters and fugitives from justice, the mortgaging of the nation and the squandering of its resources, and rampant abuse of power.
Furthermore, isn’t the national economic crisis, with recklessness in the government and lawlessness in the society, mushroomed after the response to the call for ‘patriotism, understanding, inclusion and unity’ in a Social Partner?
Strikingly is the betrayal by trade unionists to their members, as they play a crucial role in the formulation of policies and agreements with unfavourable elements which for example, dupe and hurt public officers.
Is there any thought that the coalition of forces may just facilitate a scheme to protect Government’s officials along with their collaborators and beneficiaries from any form of criminal charges, and thus having the political system continue to thwart and prevent Grenadians from obtaining sovereign justice?
James Bristol, a former Attorney-General in the NDC’s 2008-2013 government and now politically committed to Antoine’s TGM, also gives his “blessings to the creation of a coalition of forces involving like-minded persons to come together for the next election in an effort to try and unseat the Mitchell-led NNP dictatorship”.
Reporting on Bristol labelling his professional friend, Peter Charles David as “a puppet”, THE NEW TODAY on 22 May 2021 publishes that “When Mitchell lost power in 2008, Bristol along with Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP), Christopher Nelson travelled to the United States and took an oath not to disclose what they saw in a video-recording in the possession of the Americans of the financial transaction between Mitchell and Resteiner (‘the former imprisoned fraudster’)”.
The transaction is considered ‘corrupt, criminal and callous’, especially by a Prime Minister. David who is now a minister in the NNP’s government was in the NDC’s Cabinet with Bristol, as Minister of Tourism and Foreign Affairs. Review the past article “Grenada’s 2018 Elections Win: Keith Mitchell or Peter David?”, also realising that “no permanent enemies in politics” affords one to ‘escape prosecution’.
Has it furthermore been a thought that the “like-minded persons” would be of the political mindset of Mitchell, especially knowing that NNP’s runaways are those who are active in forming new parties with a path to split the votes, or to be part of an arrangement, and thereby having ‘full circle’ on issues such as to deliver the One-Party Project Grenada? This scenario points to a distinct and decisive difference from the configurations of the coalition of forces embarked upon for the 1976 and 1984 elections.
At least three determinants are imperative to be resolved, in order to attempt a ‘principled, meaningful and successful’ coalition of forces for the next elections, considering the prevailing limited circumstances. These are on the issues of political leadership, the electoral mechanism and the developmental thrust.
Particularly, a national conversation should be had on the socio-economic affairs and the way forward, ranging from education to health. What radical changes are envisioned? Would the idea of a Constituent Assembly for drafting a new constitution be entertained? Should the status of projects such as on the National Sustainable Development Plan, Grenada Blue Growth Coastal Master Plan, and Citizenship By Investment remain, as well as the legal and tax frameworks?
There is indeed “a very narrow window for the unconnected opposition forces to reach a mutual policy, cohesive approach, credible loyalty and impressive entity for the election as well as for in government as raised in the previous article “General Elections in Grenada during Covid-19 State of Emergency”.
Forging ahead on a coalition of forces is generally about jostling for executive positions and partisan agendas? If the ‘setting and advocacy’ for the likely coalition is on behalf of the sovereign constituents of Grenada, shouldn’t respect be shown to “We The People”, by incorporating a representative in the process, and by disclosing and explaining the context and content of the compromises arrived at?
J.K. Roberts