Amongst the outcomes of the 02 March 2025 convention of the ruling National Democratic Congress (NDC) is the proposed amendment to the party’s constitution to accommodate ‘groups as non-voting members of the party but having tremendous influence and power on the party’.
What would be the far-reaching effects of this transformative decision of the NDC and what level of vigilance and precaution needs to be exercised by the Grenadian-people, especially by the subscribers and stakeholders of those groups hoping to become members?
Although the “membership of groups” in parties may be a common phenomenon in other countries and that such privilege may already have been extended by other parties in Grenada, this ‘strategic development’ by the NDC would drastically change the political landscape of the nation and interfere with its sovereign democracy and may introduce a new basis for social conflicts.
It is not clear what definition and what qualifications would be given by the NDC party for “groups” as its members, especially in the absence of any legal regimen for governing political parties.
Further to being a Credit Union and a Labour Union as examples raised by the party’s Public Relations Officer Mr. Ron Redhead, on the Grenada Broadcasting Network on 23 April 2025, there must be questions as to the ‘nature and activity’ of the groups considered by NDC.
Is it anticipated that the invited groups include institutions in the Diaspora and firms of international expanse, as well as local religious organisations and statutory bodies such as the Investment Migration Agency (IMA) with the Citizenship By Investment (CBI) programme?
Whilst the representatives of the heterogenous workforce, as well as the directors of financial institutions (credit unions and commercial banks) and of commodity institutions such as the Grenada Cooperative Nutmeg Association, would need to secure the consensus of their investors to have its Bylaws or governing constitutions also changed to take up the ‘group-membership’, is this Move by the NDC designed to formalise the chance of ‘more independent and able’ entities buying the party?
Should it be said that the internal conduct, including ‘relationships and involvements’, of political parties vying for State leadership is of no concern for the wider populace?
Should it also be said that “groups” have a fundamental right to join any political party, with the “Protection of Freedom of Assembly and Association” under Grenada’s 1974 National Constitution?
Despite the position, peremptorily required is the establishment of pertinent legislation for guiding any fundamental right, and for Law and Order.
This constitutional change for the NDC, by way of the addition and participation of ‘groups membership’ in the party, must be deeply analysed at least within the spheres of national elections and national governance, but the emphasis herein is on its relation to the electoral system.
The connection between that Change and Elections lies principally with the nagging issue of Campaign Financing which being unregulated, poses much discredit to declared ‘free and fair’ elections.
In line with the latest successive articles, Sorry State Of Grenada Voter Registration System and Must Grenadians Continue To Tolerate A Questionable Electoral System?, about the ‘chaotic and contemptible’ electoral system, it is prudently appropriate to incorporate in those discussions the effect of “membership of groups” in political parties.
The general public does not know the ‘motivated and specific’ reason/s for the NDC’s internal constitution change, but any ‘devil in the details’ would be exposed in due time.
A patriotic conservative Grenadian would trust that whatever the motive and revelation, there will be no mount in hurt to the nation.
A salient message which needs to be grasped about the ‘extraordinary’ move of the NDC is that its 2022 Elections Transformation Agenda with the International Corporate Attorney Dickon Mitchell as its recent political leader, also applies to redo the party’s brand and philosophy with the influx of new forces.
Should the much apprehension and displeasure which ensued within the NDC and the nation on the whole, when members of the self-destruct socialist People’s Revolutionary Government entered the party after its outright defeat in the elections of January 1999, be missed? What lessons were then had?
It is critical to grasp further that the 2025 constitutional change is the first since the party was launched in October 1987 by renowned Educationalist, Author, and Economist George Brizan as its first leader.
The ‘aiding and shaping’ of NDC’s “forward moving trajectory” by those new forces, in turn can put at stake the ‘construct, operation and reputation’ of Grenada.
Whilst NDC tries to justify the new arrangement for enriching its membership, by claiming that the move is ‘to forge collaboration for government policies and for building the society’, the undercurrent reason may really be about facilitating political deals and donations.
In fact, this ‘collaboration justification’ is absurd and questionable when there are mechanisms and protocols, within a Social Compact framework, for various forms and levels of consultations regarding ‘generating, formulating, executing and monitoring’ policies such as Grenada’s National Sustainable Development Plan.
Is NDC prepared to shift from downplay, or streamline the conventional tripartite arrangement with Government, Private Sector and Civil Society?
In conjunction with formalising the chance for influential persons to buy and control the party, the move by the NDC-party for ‘group membership’ also symbolises the formalisation of political parties to receive assistance and donations from various sources.
It should be reasonable to acknowledge that this bold ‘innovative’ approach of the NDC must be frightening when there is not only no legislative framework for political parties but that there is also no Campaign Financing legislation and no Freedom of Information legislation in Grenada.
The injection of NDC’s change in the present scenario promotes more intense competition amongst the parties for resources particularly as campaign finances, and it diversifies the practice of corruption particularly with money-laundering.
With whatever argument against this declared position, could it be testified that political parties and elections candidates are fully in compliance with the Company Act, the Financial Intelligence Unit (FIU) Act and its related pieces such as the Money Laundering (Prevention) Act, and the Integrity in Public Life Act; all about the declarations and disclosures of assets.
What is the history on those issues? What are the experiences as a case-study?
Dr. Terrence Marryshow concludes the FOOD FOR THOUGHT column in the 08 June 2012 Grenada Informer newspaper thus: “will we (‘the Grenadian-people’) ever know the truth?”; this concern comes despite the boast about Transparency and Accountability by the powers-that-be.
The specific article Campaign Contribution or Not? which should be revisited, focusses on the access by political parties and Government ministers to financial contributions from external sources and on the gross deceptions by both NDC and the New National Party (NNP) on those issues.
The NDC under the Prime Ministership of Tillman Thomas was not ‘forthright’ in 2012 on accounting for a bank transfer of almost half a million dollars (Eastern Caribbean Currency), and the NNP under Keith Mitchell also for a briefcase collection of a similar amount in the currency of the United States occurring in 2000 but been made public in 2004.
The Informer carried on the front-page of its edition for the week ending Friday May 25th, 2012, the caption Illegal Money Transaction – A Top Government Minister Accused Of Receiving US $150,000.
This headline was spurred by the opposing NNP-party pointing to suspicious money transaction by the ruling NDC-party and was unfolded by the pertinent articles Opposition Leader Calls for FIU Probe and A matter of half-a-million dollars.
Instructively those articles report: “Prime Minister Tillman Thomas and Information Minister Glen Noel have challenged the opposition to prove any underhand dealings”; with Thomas saying, “it will be normal for political parties to receive donations” and Noel, “if any transactions were done, it will be above board”. The money came from Saudi Arabia to the Republic Bank.
Is the lack of effective ‘surveillance and accountability’ measures a deliberate act of the powers-that-be, including the present NDC administration which seemingly is bent on employing strategies to bring more frustrations and confusion regarding Campaign Financing?
Campaign finances impact or relate to the substance and observance of the Representation of the People’s Act which provides for the ‘correctness and credibility’ of elections, with particular references to the Election Offences on ‘influencing electors to vote’ with Bribery (section 88) and Treating (section 89).
Within what policy and to what end, does the power-that-be shun official recommendations which are aimed at enhancing the electoral system?
The 2021 article How Practical And Valuable Are Elections Observer Missions In Grenada? expresses that as early as 1999 the Organisation of American States (OAS} has recognised, deliberated and presented repeatedly on Campaign Financing, and even making available a model legislation as a useful guide in addressing the associated plights.
The 2018 OAS Election Mission stressed that “… unregulated financing from unidentifiable sources has the potential to impact the equity of the democratic process, and in order to promote transparency and accountability in electoral processes … the Government of Grenada, along with other appropriate stakeholders, engage in a collaborative process leading to legislation and regulations that establish clear limits on campaign financing and spending, require political parties to disclose their sources of funding and prohibit anonymous and foreign donations”.
An interesting but also revealing feature, GRENADA – A significant portion of election campaigning funds in the OECS are from donors with former St Lucian PM, appears on the website of CARIBBEAN TIMES on 19 February 2025.
The report indicates that former Prime Minister (PM) Allen Chastanet disclosed: “Investment, whether it’s attached to citizenship (‘CBI’) or not, has always been brought into focus. It is long overdue to have an earnest discussion. …. the vast majority of funds coming in to fund campaigns in the OECS (‘countries in the Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States’) come from outside”.
The publication also seizes the opportunity to point-out and/or to prove the frightening situation which Grenada faces, especially in terms of the political hypocrisy and rhetoric about treating Campaign Financing.
That is; “During the June 2022 election campaign, Dickon Mitchell, then the political Leader of the National Democratic Congress, called for the enactment of campaign financing laws (…. to limit the amount of funding to a political party …. to report every cent that it got in donation and sponsorship ….).
However, after 32 months (‘now 35 months and counting’) in office, there has been no discussion on the issue”; this, even with the many urgings of the OAS to enact campaign financing legislation as also is reflected in its 24 June 2022 report on the 23 June general elections which brought Dickon to Power.
J. K. Roberts