D’ (‘David’s’) Movement was set off about one year ago, after the disillusionment and resignation of Charles Peter David from the main Opposition, New National Party (NNP). It journeys to the dramatic launch of the Democratic People’s Movement (DPM) on 16 November 2025.
The occasion elaborates that DPM is ‘a necessity of something different’, with the concept that: “A movement is when ordinary people stop accepting that things can’t change and start changing them”.
Critical in welcoming the DPM though, is to understand the ‘characteristics and dimensions and terms’ of the changes which are envisioned and anticipated by this new addition of a political party in Grenada.
Although the inclusion of “Movement” in the naming of parties is customary and that its contextual meaning is synonymous with political parties, the DPM generates amongst probing individuals, diverse ‘resonances and reminiscences’ of the extremist New Jewel Movement (NJM).
On 13 March 1979 the NJM violently overthrew the democratically elected administration of the Grenada United Labour Party (GULP) and formed the Marxist-socialist People’s Revolutionary Government (PRG) with the suspension of Grenada Constitution.
NJM exploded on 19 October 1983 due to ‘infightings’, and democratic-rule was re-instituted following an American-led Caribbean forces on 25 October 1983.
The DPM’s de facto leader, Independent Member of Parliament (MP) C. Peter David, a key player of the NJM/PRG, delivers the central statement at the Launch.
The title of the Statement, Democratic People’s Movement: We move together!, takes or shares some form of the title of the 2014 book of another active actor of the NJM/PRG, Mr. Joseph Ewart Layne, We Move Tonight: The Making of the Grenada Revolution.
The Statement says “The Democratic People’s Movement is built on a simple, profound philosophy: the strength of a nation lies not in the power of a few, but in the participation of all. We are not about leaders or parties. We are about ideas, policies, and action. We are here to elevate politics above acrimony, to place issues over personalities, and to build a framework for governance that is transparent, accountable, and rooted in service”.
It pitches DPM as the modern embodiment of the unceasing struggle for unity, promises to unveil a Progressive Agenda for Empowerment, and pleads for willingness to build something that has never existed.
Honourable David claims that the DPM has been nurtured in grassroots Grenada and belongs to the ‘party’s shapers’. He particularly declares that the Movement is being built by young people who will be guided and helped by ‘himself and his Team’ as the “bridge to the future”.
This is the formative case of DPM, with David also ‘confessing and confirming’ thus: “For decades, many of us have tried to change this country, by first changing the organisations we have joined. And as we have found out the hard way, there has been an entrenched political class that puts up resistance”.
Unfortunately, no clear and concrete forum or mechanism is indicated for the public to engage with DPM and to ascertain the ideologies and interests of its Behind The Scenes advisors and advocates.
The DPM is not only challenged to differentiate and to demonstrate that its ‘organisational and operational’ philosophy is (or will be) supreme from NNP which dominated Parliament for the past three decades, but also from that of the ruling National Democratic Congress (NDC).
How does DPM compare its ‘transformation movement’ with NDC’s “Transforming Grenada? Let’s Move Grenada Forward” agenda as fashioned, unfolded and implemented since 23 June 2022?
Beyond campaigning for votes with ‘empty and deceitful’ political rhetoric, DPM must present in short order a development trajectory for Grenada which surpasses or is superior to the National Sustainable Development Plan 2020-2035 (NSDP) which has the input of a wide representation of the public by a Social Partner Compact under NNP, and to NDC’s Vision 75 unveiled in February 2024 as a version and/or a continuation of the 2019 NSDP, as general elections seems imminent.
What ‘courage, conviction and willingness’ do David and Team DPM have concerning the ‘direct and inherent’ relationship of the National Constitution with Democratic Governance?
Is the formulation of a new or reformed Constitution for Grenada an’ imperative and major’ obligation of DPM, as it testifies and inspires to “set about defying conventions, upsetting projections and making a lie of lazy analyses?
Or, would the DPM prove that it also accepts that “we are too divided …. we are too afraid? Too weary! Too Tired!” about changing the Constitution? How then does the DPM intend to start building the framework for governance that is transparent, accountable and rooted in service?
Dodging the issues pertinent to the Constitution would be tantamount to accepting and upholding the status quo of politics and governance in Grenada.
There are absolutely no excuses for any delay and detour on those issues, including the belief that ‘constitutional change has to be incremental and preferred to be led by an independent organisation or body, as against being championed by a political organization’.
The critical elements and settings for constitutional changes are already established with the tremendous need and calls for effecting that Change, as well as with the persuasive deliberations and presentations had thus far.
The results of the constitutional referenda held in November of 2016 and 2018, which MP David always references, give no reason to snub and stigmatise the electorate about constitutional changes, and to stifle and shatter the sovereign rights towards those changes such as the sad situation with the Oath of Allegiance change in August 2025.
The April 2023 article Constitutionally Reset Grenada At The 50th Independence Jubilee, summarises the rationales, efforts, and achievements for Constitution Reform ever since during the PRG’s regime.
It notes that Peter David proclaims that ‘the British worked a trick upon us with the February 1974 Independence Constitution which, according to him, has given us a very partisan political system.
He alludes that the Constitution has brought ‘tribalism, divisiveness and partisanship’ to the Grenadian society, and this forces us to be different and makes it difficult for the system to be changed.
Speaking in the House of Representatives in December 2022, David also urged for a new approach to changing the Constitution, and to institutionalise bipartisanship.
The DPM is hereby and now called upon to rise with a strong show of ‘genuineness, fitness, and preparedness’ for governance; a governance which will NOT be Business As Usual.
There is no other way or place for a nationalistic institution to start proving its ‘worth and quality than when it is not in the Executive.
In fact, the experiences and contacts which Mr. David acquired over the decades as a politician with the NJM/PRG, the NDC and the NNP, should put DPM in a very strategic and favourable position to undertake institutional projects, including on Civic Consciousness, even as it aims and endeavours to govern.
Moreover, David is well positioned with the opportunity to lay pertinent Bills and Motions in Parliament for observances, backed by the agitations of his cohorts.
There are at least two related institutional projects which are open to DPM for undertaking.
Firstly, DPM should initiate the conduct of a Constituent Assembly or Constitutional Convention, drawing together all interested entities including the Grenada Monarchist League and the Citizens for Constitution Reform, in addressing ‘sovereignty challenges’ and in prescribing ‘good governance’.
Secondly, DPM must press the powers-that-be, with the sensitisation of the Grenadian people, to conduct a referendum on the Constitution at the same time as the upcoming general elections.
The internet-circulated two-part article Changing the Grenada Constitution: Lining Up The Debate, poses a typical referendum question which will form the ‘mandate and basis’ for a new or reformed Constitution.
The manner of the question is thus: Do you (we) wish to continue to be governed by an Imperial Order-In-Council, OR do you (we) wish to write your (our) own Constitution?
Promoting this referendum could well be the motivation for ‘constructive and sober’ debate, via the Constituent Assembly/Constitutional Convention, on changing the Grenada Constitution and thus engendering the ‘integrity, unity and participatory governance’ which the DPM wishes to realise.
Echoing ‘superficial reforms’ such as the need for a representation of the Diaspora in the Constitution but negating the need to reflect fundamental ‘good governance’ principles in the Constitution to facilitate Integrity in Public Life, should condemn the DPM.
As it stands, governance in Grenada is vulnerable to ‘gross abuse’, with each successive ruling party registering its own brand of corruption and heightening the patterns of malfeasance.
Contributing to this sorry scenario is having the Executive being ‘interwoven’ with the Legislature, contrary to Separation of State Powers.
Concerning David’s mantra of Unity for Nation Building, ‘implementing Project Grenada’, it should be instructive for the Grenadian people to also know how the DPM would address the political divide resulting from the ‘brutal upheaval’ of 19 October 1983, and even the taunting stories of victims of the (1979-1983) PRG.
Would the DPM revisit the report of The Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Grenada, provide answers to the many troubling questions about the demise of the PRG, bring solace and compensation to those affected by the historic events of October 19th and October 25th, and foster compromise and closure on the controversies surrounding the observances of the pertinent events in October, including the designation of National Heroes Day?
The article Grenada’s 19 October National Heroes Day in Serious Limbo points to those tensions!
J.K Roberts